Window of Archipelago

La Galigo - Similar to the Koran but older than the Koran

Ujungpandang ( Dreamland Library ) - The Bugis in South Sulawesi, adheres to a belief in the Gods of Seuwae (the Only God). "The Bug...

1595 AD - Really the Netherlands began to colonize the archipelago

Penjajah / Invader (Ilustrasi)
Jakarta (DreamLandLibrary) - Colonialism (imperialism) is a policy of expanding control or power over a foreign territory / body / state / kingdom (which is colonized), as a means of acquisition and / or maintenance by the kingdom, or a country (superior / colonialist), both directly through territorial conquest, or indirectly through the method of implementing control in the political and / or economic fields of a kingdom / state / government.

The history we have received at school tells us clearly, that the Indonesian state (Nusantara) was colonized by the Dutch state for 350 years. If ordered from the year of independence of RI, 1945, it means that the Dutch state has colonized the Indonesian state since 1595 (1945 minus 350).

To answer whether it is true that history said that during the time that the Indonesian state was colonized by the Dutch state, it would be better if we took a sneak peek at the historical journey back, roughly, what happened in that year (before, a moment and after), both in the Netherlands itself and in Indonesia. Briefly and briefly will be presented below.

VOC (Before) Period

Republic of the Seven Nederlanden States (Period 1588-1795)

The Netherlands itself was previously part of the Kingdom of Spain, or called the Habsburgse Nederlanden region which consists of 17 provinces based in Brussels, and is coordinated by a staten-general (a kind of governor general). Each province itself is led by a governor (staat houder), although there are several provinces led by one governor.

The background of the formation of the Republic of the seven Nederlanden states (hereinafter referred to as the Dutch Republic) itself was due to the 80-year war (1568-1648), between the Kingdom of Spain (Filips II), and seven provinces, out of the 17 provinces of the Habsburgse Nederlanden region which wanted to secede from the kingdom of Spain. This struggle was led and led by Willem van Oranje, governors of the provinces of Holland, Zeeland and Utrecht.

The war itself took place, because the governor general of the Spanish kingdom, Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, imposed a taxation system (Tiende Penning) which was very burdensome to the 17 provinces under his power. Seven of his 17 provinces felt unhappy about the enactment of this policy, and decided to rebel followed by a breakaway war. Although this war itself lasted 80 years, but diplomatic relations between the warring parties were interrupted for 12 years thereafter.

After the war was over (80 years), European history also noted that throughout the course of the Dutch Republic, the Republic was still at war with several neighboring countries (regions), as shown below:

1. United Kingdom: 1652-1654; 1665-1667
2. France: 1672-1678; England, Munster, and Cologne: 1672-1674
3. France: 1688-1697
4. Spain: 1701-1714
5. Austria: 1740-1748
6. United Kingdom: 1780-1784

Meanwhile, in the 15-16th century, the spice trade in Europe was dominated by the Portuguese and Spanish (united). The Dutch Republic who fought with Spain had to find and support its own needs for the spices.

Finally, the three Dutch traders, Jan Huyghen van Linschoten and Cornelis de Houtman, discovered the "secret route" of Portuguese shipping, which brought Cornelis de Houtman's first voyage to Banten, the main port on Java in 1595-1597.

In 1596 four expedition ships, led by Cornelis de Houtman, sailed towards the archipelago (Indonesia), and were Indonesia's first contact with the Dutch. The expedition reached Banten, the main port of pepper in West Java, where they were involved in a feud with the Portuguese and the local population.

Houtman sailed again eastward through the north coast of Java. They were attacked by local residents in Sedayu, resulting in the loss of 12 crew members. They were also involved in a feud with local residents in Madura causing the killing of a local leader.

After losing half of the crew, it was in 1597 that they decided to return to the Dutch Republic but the spices they brought were enough to make a profit.

VOC (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie), 1602-1798

Is this VOC? History clearly notes that VOC is a trading company. Although many had the privilege of the government of the Dutch Republic at the time, the VOC was neither a state nor a government.

The VOC itself was only formed on March 20, 1602. The reason for the formation of this company was purely, because of trade competition with other companies from other countries, both from countries that were at war / war, or not. Call it, for example the company The Britisch East India Company which was founded in December 31, 1600, based in Calcutta, India.

VOC adalah perusahaan multinasional pertama di dunia. VOC juga adalah perusahaan pertama di dunia, yang mengeluarkan saham/stock. VOC disebut sebagai perusahaan multinasional, karena VOC sendiri adalah gabungan dari ke-12 perusahaan nasional yang telah berdiri sebelumnya di Republik Belanda pada saat itu, yaitu : Compagnie van Verre, de Nieuwe Compagnie, de Oude Compagnie, de Nieuwe Brabantse Compagnie, de Verenigde Compagnie Amsterdam, de Magelaanse Compagnie, de Rotterdamse Compagnie, de Compagnie van De Moucheron, de Delftse Vennootschap, de Veerse Compagnie, de Middelburgse Compagnie en de Verenigde Zeeuwse Compagnie.
The 12 companies are shipping trading companies that compete with each other. Considering the difficult situation in the Dutch Republic at that time because in addition to fighting against Spain, as well as trade competition from other countries / kingdoms, a meeting of all traders / shareholders / owners of the 12 companies above was held, to unite the ideas in forming one multinational company, namely the VOC.

The VOC could be big and glorious, indeed, it was not without the support of its own government at that time (anyway, all companies today in this world also, have the support of their own government, please help). What was the form of support for the Republican government at that time, as outlined in the Octrooi (Charter of the Charter), such as:

1. Monopoly rights to trade for 21 years

At that time, people were not familiar with the terms anti-monopoly law or anti-cartel law. In this super-modern era, humans still practice this kind of monopoly, just look like for example the OPEC oil cartel, or the monopoly of state companies on the grounds of the interests of the public / many people, etc.

2. The right to have soldiers / soldiers

This is only natural, apart from reasons for safety in shipping to sea pirates, also because at that time the situation in Europe was at war and in turmoil. Every ship that sails is equipped with war equipment and soldiers to guard against the possibility of war, if it meets a ship from a warring country, for example.

In this super modern era, we also often find companies using soldiers who are equipped with war equipment to secure the "area" of their business. For this, try to compare the reader yourself with Freeport, for example, who "owns" rented soldiers from both the Indonesian National Police and Indonesian Armed Forces.

3. The right to declare war

The VOC, on behalf of the Governor-General, was able to declare / carry out war, build a fortress that was initially motivated purely because of the situation at that time which was at war or at war with the Spanish-Portuguese nation. That is why in Indonesia there are so many historical relics of VOC strongholds equipped with cannons.

In this era, multinational companies can do the same thing even though the method is somewhat different of course. A multinational company can influence its own government, to "pressure" other governments in place of business.

Then try to see what is the safeguard of foreign multinational companies in Indonesia, even without cannons, large walls, high, and accompanied by barbed wires, even more sinister than the VOC's historical fortress itself.

In 1603, the VOC only obtained permission in Banten to establish its business in the archipelago. In 1605, in collaboration with the people of HITU (Maluku) expelled the Portuguese from the Moluccas. HITU residents at that time did not like the Portuguese. For this collaboration, the VOC obtained its permission to conduct clove monopoly trade in the Maluku region.

In the course of the VOC in the archipelago, the VOC tried to trade and enter into trade agreements with local kingdoms in the archipelago, naturally accompanied by competition with other European nations in the archipelago, such as: Portuguese, English, and Spanish, and even Chinese traders.

Trade competition between Europeans in the archipelago is also accompanied by war with one another. They conspired / allied with the local kingdom (Nusantara), entered into hostilities and fights with each other.

The archipelago itself both before and at the beginning of the entry of the VOC (and afterwards), consisted of splintered, united, and competing (warring) kingdoms with one another. After the glorious era of the Majapahit kingdom, the archipelago (from the Atjeh kingdom on the island of Sumatra, to the east of the kingdoms of Flores, Ternate and Tidore) consisted of small, powerful and divided kingdoms.

These divided kingdoms were not the political product and policy of the VOC in running its trading business in the archipelago, or even the result of the famous divide et impera politics. Even the local kingdom (the Archipelago) itself also made use of foreign powers (Europeans), in expelling foreign traders in its area, or even for the purpose of expanding its own kingdom.

As a trading company owned by capital owners, the VOC itself for the first time distributed dividends in 1610-1611. The VOC went bankrupt on 17 March 1798, due to many corrupt diseases in its body.

Earlier in 1795, after the Revolution in France, Napoleon and his army entered and occupied the Dutch Republic itself, which means the Dutch Republic, under French rule.

Period After VOC

French Occupation, 1795-1815

During this period the Dutch Republic itself underwent several name and government changes; in the period 1795-1801, the Dutch Republic was transformed into the Republic of Batavia, under the influence of French rule (de facto); then in the period 1801-1806 changed to Bataafs Gemenebest, the city / area of ​​the colony of the French Republic (de facto and de jure); after that in the period 1806-1810 became the kingdom of Holland, still under French occupation / power.

In this period the head of his own government was a king appointed by Napoleon, namely Lodewijk Napoleon Banaparte (Napoleon's own younger brother); finally in the period 1810-1815, the territory of the Dutch Republic itself was part of the territory of the French empire.

At the time the VOC went bankrupt, 1798, the Dutch kingdom which at that time had been transformed into the Republic of Batavia took over (nationalized) this company. From then on, all VOC debt and assets were the responsibility of the government of the Republic of Batavia.

It also means that all assets in the Archipelago belong to the Republic of Batavia, since the Batavian Republic at that time was finally under French rule, meaning that all assets owned in the Archipelago were also under French control. From the early 1800s it was known as the Nederlands-Indie, as the Batavian Republic (Dutch) colony in the archipelago.

In 1811, Britain (then war against France), defeated the power of the Republic of Batavia (part of the French Empire) in the Archipelago, and took control of the possessions and wealth of the Batavian Republic in the Archipelago, and appointed Thomas Raflles to be its governor general, 1811-1816.

Only after France lost the war (1814) from England, in accordance with the Vienna congress agreement (1815), France surrendered the sovereignty of Dutch territory back to the Dutch themselves. In accordance with the results of the Vienna congress, the Republic of Batavia was changed into the form of the Kingdom of the Netherlands (United Kingdom of the Nederlands), which consisted of several countries and autonomous regions, such as the present Kingdom of the Netherlands, current Belgium (until 1830), and part of the territory Luxembourg right now (or often we are familiar with the term BeNeLux).

Treasures in the archipelago that had been owned and controlled by the British were also handed over from England to the United Kingdom of the Nederlands, in 1816. The return of these assets and wealth was followed by the sending of massive military forces in the period 1816-1820 from the United Kingdom of the Nederlands, to the archipelago.

Cultuurstelsel, 1825

After experiencing war and revolution, the kingdom of the United Kingdom of the Nederlands needed huge funds to rebuild its destroyed territory, government and economy. Therefore, the governor general who at the time, ruled the archipelago (Nederlands-Indië), Johannes van den Bosch proposed an idea to "drain" Java into a money / money making machine (profits), this proposal was set forth in Cultuurstelsel.

Javanese farmers were forced to plant sugar, coffee and indigo plants in an area of ​​1/5 of their land. Farmers do get wages from farm laborers, and not in the form of profits from the sale of agricultural products. Obviously the laborers' wages earned by farmers are very small when compared to the profit sharing system.

The Dutch government at that time agreed, and supported this program (cultuurstelsel), as well as stimulating its civil servants (ambtenaren) as well as indigenous regents (inheemse regenten), by providing a percentage of profits from the sale of agricultural products which happened to be at that time, the prima donna in trade import-export activities.

A very striking comparison between the provision of labor wages to workers (all landowners), with the percentage of profit sharing to government employees and indigenous regents, of course, causes feelings of hurt, jealousy, and lead to anger or rebellion. So it can be understood, if later in the course of history will arise resistance from the people at that time (due to injustice).

Conclusion and Conclusion

The author is not trying to discuss whether the VOC is a colonizer or not? Recorded in historical sources, that the VOC is a trading company owned by shareholders, operates and runs its business in a monopolistic manner. In today's business ethics, monopolistic actions are FALSE and are very "forbidden".

Even though in its trading practice, the VOC violated many human values, the author also did not try to refute this. Even if the form of alliance with local kingdoms in the archipelago to conquer and colonize other local kingdoms can conclude, that the VOC is a colonizer, the author also does not try to oppose this theory, please the reader concludes for himself whether the VOC is an invader or not.

The author can conclude, that the Dutch really existed for 350 years (from before independence) in the archipelago, since 1596, four expedition ships headed by Cornelis de Houtman sailed towards the archipelago (Indonesia), and were Indonesia's first contact with Netherlands.

The author can also conclude that the VOC is a trading company owned by the Dutch. The VOC does have special privileges, but it is not (like) the state, furthermore the VOC is not the government of the Dutch Republic or the government of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. Therefore, the author can conclude, that: the Dutch colonial state itself in the archipelago only began to be carried out, around 1816, precisely when the VOC's assets that had been taken over by the Republic of Batavia, which had been controlled by the British before, were returned to the United Kingdom of the Nederlands. Now count yourself for how many years.


Photo: Special

The kingdoms in the Sunda region that stood early 8th century

Ilustrasi : Parahyangan Agung Jagatkharta, Pura Terbesar di Jawa Barat
Bogor (Dreamland Library) - Several Kingdoms in the Sunda region that stood in the 8th century

735 AD
Establishment of the Sunda Galuh Kingdom Banten-West Java

752 AD - 1045 AD
Kingdom of Medang (House of Sailendra)

760 AD
The Pallawa letters that have been Indonesian are known by the name Kawi. Since the Dinoyo inscription (760 AD), the Kawi letter has been used in Indonesia, and Sanskrit is no longer used in the inscription, but the Kawi language is used.

771 AD
The establishment of the Kingdom of Tulang Bawang Lampung

Photo: Special

G 30 S PKI 1965 AD

Jakarta (DreamLandLibrary) - September 30 Movement or often abbreviated as G 30 S PKI, G-30S / PKI, Gestapu (September Thirty Movement), Gestok (One October Movement) is an event that takes place after the night of September 30 to the beginning of September October 1, 1965 in which six high-ranking Indonesian military officers and several others were killed in an attempted coup attempt which was later accused of members of the Indonesian Communist Party.

Background of the 45th PKI Anniversary Celebration in Jakarta in early 1965

The Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) is the largest communist party in the entire world, outside of China and the Soviet Union. Until 1965 its members numbered around 3.5 million, plus 3 million from the youth movement. The PKI also controlled the trade union movement which had 3.5 million members and the Indonesian Farmers Farmers movement which had 9 million members. Including the women's movement (Gerwani), the writer's and artist's organization and the bachelor's movement, the PKI had more than 20 million members and supporters.

In July 1959 the parliament was dissolved and Sukarno adopted a constitution under a presidential decree - again with the full support of the PKI. He strengthened the hands of the armed forces by appointing military generals to important positions. Sukarno ran a "Guided Democracy" system. The PKI welcomed Sukarno's "Guided Democracy" warmly and assumed that he had a mandate for the alliance of Conception, namely between Nationalists, Religion and Communists called NASAKOM.

In the "Guided Democracy" era, collaboration between the PKI leadership and the national bourgeoisie in suppressing independent movements of the workers and peasants failed to solve pressing political and economic problems. Export revenues declined, foreign reserves declined, inflation continued to rise and bureaucrat and military corruption became epidemics.

Fifth generation
On the visit of Foreign Minister Subandrio to China, Prime Minister Zhou Enlai promised 100,000 weapons of type of chung, this offer was free without conditions and was then reported to Bung Karno but had not yet determined the time until the outbreak of the G30S.

In early 1965 Bung Karno, on the advice of the PKI as a result of the PRC's prime minister's offer, had the idea of ​​a Fifth Force that was independent of ABRI. But Army officials disagreed and this raised suspicion between the military and the PKI.

From 1963 the PKI leadership increasingly tried to provoke clashes between mass activists and the police and military. PKI leaders also infiltrated the police and army with the slogan "common interests" of the police and "the people". PKI leader DN Aidit inspired the slogan "For Public Peace to Assist the Police". In August 1964, Aidit encouraged all PKI members to rid themselves of "sectarian attitudes" to the armed forces, calling on all left-wing writers and artists to make the "army mass" the subject of their works.

At the end of 1964 and the beginning of 1965 thousands of peasants moved to seize land that was not their right to incitement to the PKI. Major clashes occurred between them and the police and landowners.

The clashes were triggered by PKI propaganda which stated that farmers were entitled to any land, no matter who owned the land (state property = common property). Most likely the PKI mimicked the Bolsevik revolution in Russia, where the people and the communist party seized the Tsar's property and distributed it to the people.

At the beginning of 1965, workers began to confiscate US rubber and oil companies. The PKI leadership responded by officially entering the government. At the same time, high-ranking military generals also became members of the cabinet. The generals entered the cabinet because his position in the military by Sukarno was likened to the rank of minister. This can be proven by the name of his position (Menpangab, Menpangad, and others).

PKI ministers not only sat next to the military leaders in Sukarno's cabinet, but they continued to foster a very dangerous illusion that the armed forces were part of a "people's" democratic revolution.

Appointment of a Body in Crocodile Hole
Aidit gave lectures to students of the armed forces school where he talked about "a feeling of togetherness and unity that is getting stronger every day between the army of the Republic of Indonesia and elements of Indonesian society, including the communists".

The Sukarno regime took steps against workers by banning strikes in industry. The PKI leadership did not object because according to them the industry belonged to the NASAKOM government.

Soon the PKI was clear about the preparations for the formation of a military regime, stating the need for the establishment of a "fifth force" within the armed forces, which consisted of workers and armed peasants. Instead of fighting for the mobilization of an independent mass to counter the growing military threat, the PKI leadership instead sought to limit this growing mass movement within the limits of the country's capitalist law. They, in front of military generals, tried to calm down that the PKI's proposal would strengthen the country. Aidit stated in a report to the PKI Central Committee that the "NASACOMIZATION" of the armed forces could be achieved and they would work together to create a "fifth force". The PKI leadership kept trying to suppress the revolutionary aspirations of the workers in Indonesia. In May 1965, the PKI Politburo still encouraged the illusion that the military and state apparatus were being changed to minimize the anti-people aspect of the state apparatus.

The issue of Bung Karno's illness Since 1964 until the eruption of the G30S, the issue of Bung Karno's illness had been circulating. This increased rumors and the issue of power struggles if Bung Karno died. But according to Subandrio, Aidit knew very well that Bung Karno was only mildly ill, so this was not a reason for the PKI to take such action.

Land and Revenue Sharing Issues In 1960 the Basic Agrarian Law (Basic Agrarian Law) and the Basic Production Sharing Act (Revenue Sharing Act) were actually a continuation of the Agrarian Committee which was formed in 1948. The Agrarian Committee that produced the UUPA consisted from government representatives and representatives of various peasant organizations that reflected the ten strengths of political parties at that time. Even though the law already exists, the implementation in the area did not work, causing friction between the smallholder farmers and the landowners who were afraid of being affected by the BAL, involving part of the mass of followers by involving the backing of the security forces. Prominent events in this context included the Bandar Betsi incident in North Sumatra and the event in Klaten which was referred to as 'unilateral action' and was then used as an excuse by the military to clean it up.

The commotion between the PKI and Islam (not only NU, but also with Persis and Muhammadiyah) basically occurred in almost all places in Indonesia, in West Java, East Java, and in other provinces as well, PKI in several places they even threatened the kyai that they would be slaughtered after 30 September 1965 (this proves that all elements of the PKI knew about the September 30 coup plan).

Malaysia Factor The newly formed Federation of Malaysia on 16 September 1963 was one of the important factors in this incident [1]. The Indonesia-Malaysia confrontation was one of the causes of President Soekarno's closeness with the PKI, explaining the motivation of the soldiers who joined the G30S / Gestok movement (the One October Movement), and also ultimately led to the PKI abducting Army officials.

"Since the anti-Indonesian demonstration in Kuala Lumpur, where demonstrators stormed the Indonesian embassy building, tore up a photo of Sukarno, brought the symbol of the Garuda Pancasila state before Tunku Abdul Rahman - Prime Minister of Malaysia at the time - and forced him to step on Garuda, Sukarno's anger towards Malaysia also exploded. "

Sukarno who was furious because it condemned Tunku's actions who trampled on the symbol of the Indonesian state [2] and wanted to take revenge by launching a movement known as "Down with Malaysia" to the Malaysian Federation state which had deeply insulted Indonesia and the Indonesian president. Sukarno's order to the Army to "crush Malaysia" was responded to coldly by the generals at the time. On the one hand, Lieutenant General Ahmad Yani did not want to fight Malaysia which was assisted by the British with the assumption that the Indonesian army at that time was inadequate for warfare of that scale, while on the other hand the Army Chief of Staff A.H. Nasution agreed with Sukarno's proposal because he was worried that the Malaysian issue would be ridden by the PKI to strengthen its position in the political arena in Indonesia.

The position of the Army at the time was awry because on the one hand they were not sure they could defeat the British, and on the other hand they would face Sukarno who went berserk if they did not fight. Eventually the Army leaders chose to fight halfheartedly in Kalimantan. Not surprisingly, Brigadier General Suparjo, commander of the troops in West Kalimantan, complained, the confrontation was not carried out wholeheartedly and he felt his operations were sabotaged from behind [3]. This can also be seen from the failure of guerrilla operations in Malaysia, even though the Indonesian army was actually very proficient in guerrilla warfare.

Knowing that the Indonesian military did not support him, Sukarno was disappointed and turned to seek PKI support to vent his anger on Malaysia. Soekarno, as written in his autobiography, admitted that he was a person who had very high self-esteem, and that nothing could be done to change his desire to "crush Malaysia".

"Sukarno was an individualist. Humans who stand up with a deep inner voice, people who admit that they love themselves, it is impossible to become a satellite that is attached to other nations. Soekarno could not possibly devote himself to any domination of power. He can't be a doll. "

On the part of the PKI, they became the biggest supporters of the "crush Malaysia" movement which they considered to be a British henchman, a nekolim henchman. The PKI also took advantage of the opportunity for their own benefit, so the PKI's motives for supporting Sukarno's policies were not entirely idealistic.

When the PKI got a breath of fresh air, it was precisely its opponents who faced a terrible situation; they saw the PKI's increasingly strong position as a threat, plus the international relations of the PKI with the world Communist Party, especially with the axis of Jakarta-Beijing-Moscow-Pyongyang-Phnom Penh. Sukarno also knew this, but he decided to keep it quiet because he still wanted to borrow the power of the PKI for the ongoing confrontation, because of Indonesia's weakened position in the international environment since Indonesia's departure from the United Nations (January 20, 1965).

A secret document from the newly opened United States intelligence agency (CIA) dated January 13, 1965 mentioned a casual conversation between Sukarno and right-wing leaders that he still needed PKI support to deal with Malaysia and therefore he could not take firm action against them. But he also stressed that someday "the PKI's turn will arrive." Soekarno said, "You can be my friend or enemy. It's up to you. ... For me, Malaysia is the number one enemy. One day I will clean up the PKI, but not now. "[2]

From the Army side, the internal divisions that began began to emerge when many soldiers, mostly from the Diponegoro Division who were upset and disappointed at the attitude of the army officials who feared Malaysia, fought only halfheartedly, and betrayed the mission given by Sukarno. They decided to contact the people of the PKI to cleanse the army of these generals.

Factors of the United States United States at that time was involved in the Vietnam War and tried hard to prevent Indonesia from falling into communism. The role of the United States intelligence agency (CIA) in this incident was limited to giving 50 million rupiah (money at that time) to Adam Malik and walkie-talkies and medicines to the Indonesian army. American politicians in these decisive months were faced with a confusing problem because they felt drawn by Sukarno to this Indonesia-Malaysia confrontation.

One view says that the role of the United States in this matter is not large, this can be seen from the telegram of the Ambassador of Green to Washington on August 8, 1965 who complained that his efforts to counter anti-American propaganda in Indonesia did not produce results or were not even useful at all . In a telegram to President Johnson on 6 October, CIA agents expressed distrust in the PKI's actions that were unreasonable because of Indonesia's political situation which greatly benefited them, and until the end of October there was still confusion over the massacres in Central Java, East Java, and Bali carried out by PKI or NU / PNI.

Other views, especially from the victims of this incident, stated that America became an actor behind the scenes and after the decree Supersemar America gave a list of names of PKI members to the military to be killed. But until now these two views do not have much physical evidence.

Economic factors The economy of the Indonesian people at that time was very low resulting in popular support for Sukarno (and the PKI) fading. They did not fully agree with the policy of "crush Malaysia" which is considered to further aggravate the situation of Indonesia.

Inflation that reached 650% made food prices soar, people starved and were forced to queue for rice, oil, sugar, and other basic necessities. Some factors that contributed to this price increase were Suharto-Nasution's decision to raise the salaries of the soldiers by 500% and the persecution of the Chinese traders which caused them to flee. As a result of inflation, many Indonesians only eat banana weevil, tubers, cassava, and other unfit food items; even they use cloth from sacks as their clothing.

This economic factor was one of the reasons for popular anger over the killing of the six generals, which resulted in a backlash against the PKI and the massacre of people accused of being PKI members in Central Java, East Java, Bali and other places.

On the morning of October 1, 1965, six senior generals and several others were killed in a coup attempt blamed on palace guards (Cakrabirawa) who were considered loyal to the PKI and at that time led by Lieutenant Colonel. Profit. The Commander of the Army's Strategic Command at the time, Maj. Gen. Suharto then carried out the crackdown on the movement.

The issue of the Council of Generals At a crucial moment around September 1965 the issue of the existence of a Council of Generals revealed that there were several Army officials who were dissatisfied with Sukarno and intended to overthrow him. Responding to this issue, Sukarno was said to have ordered Cakrabirawa's troops to arrest and bring them to trial by Sukarno. But unexpectedly, in the operations of arresting the generals, the actions of several persons who were consumed by emotions and killed Lt. Gen. Ahmad Yani, Panjaitan, and Harjono.

The Issue of the Gilchrist Document The Gilchrist document taken from the name of the British ambassador to Indonesia Andrew Gilchrist circulated almost simultaneously with the issue of the Council of Generals. This document, which some have referred to as counterfeiting by Czech intelligence under the supervision of General Agayant of the Russian KGB, mentions the existence of a "Friend of Our Local Army" which suggests that Army officers had been purchased by the West. [4] The US embassy was also accused of giving a list of names of PKI members to the army to "follow up". The United States intelligence service obtained these data from various sources, one of which was written by John Hughes, a reporter for The Nation who wrote the book "Indonesian Upheaval", which was used as the basis for the film scenario "The Year of Living Dangerously", he often exchanged data- what data he collected to get telex facilities to send news.

The issue of Soeharto's involvement until now there is no evidence of Suharto's involvement / active role in the kidnapping action. The only evidence that could be elaborated was the meeting of Soeharto who was then serving as the Commander of the Army Commander (at that time the position of Commander of the Army Reserve Strategic Command was not in charge of the troops, unlike now) with Colonel Abdul Latif at the Army Hospital.

Nevertheless, Suharto was the party that benefited the most from this event. Many scientific studies that have been published in international journals reveal the involvement of Suharto and the CIA. Some of them are, Cornell Paper, by Benedict R.O'G. Anderson and Ruth T. McVey (Cornell University), Ralph McGehee (The Indonesian Massacres and the CIA), Government Printing Office of the US (Department of State, INR / IL Historical Files, Indonesia, 1963-1965. Secret; Priority; Roger Channel; Special Handling), John Roosa (Pretext for Mass Murder: The September 30th Movement and Suharto's Coup d'État in Indonesia), Prof. Dr. W.F. Wertheim (Forgotten History of Th65 History).

The six high-ranking officials killed were:
  • Lt. Gen. Ahmad Yani (Minister / Army Commander / Chief of Staff of the Highest Operations Command)
  • Maj. Gen. Raden Suprapto (Deputy II Minister / Commander of the Army for Administration)
  • Maj. Gen. Mas Tirtodarmo Haryono (Deputy III Minister / Commander of the Army for Planning and Coaching)
  • Maj. Gen. Siswondo Parman (Assistant I Minister / Commander of the Army for Intelligence)
  • Brigadier General Donald Isaac Panjaitan (Assistant IV Minister / Commander of the Army for Logistics)
  • Brigadier General Sutoyo Siswomiharjo (Inspector of Justice / Oditur General of the Army)
TNI General Abdul Harris Nasution, who was the main target, survived the assassination attempt. Instead, his daughter Ade Irma Suryani Nasution and his aide, First Lieutenant CZI Pierre Andreas Tendean were killed in the assassination attempt.

In addition, several other people also became victims:
  • Bripka Karel Satsuit Tubun (Official bodyguard of Deputy Prime Minister II, Dr. J. Leimena)
  • Colonel Katamso Darmokusumo (Korem 072 Commander / Pamungkas, Yogyakarta)
  • Lt. Col. Sugiyono Mangunwiyoto (Korem 072 / Pamungkas Chief of Staff, Yogyakarta)
The victims were then banished to a location in Pondok Gede, Jakarta known as Lubang Buaya. Their bodies were found on October 3.

In the aftermath of the funeral of the heroes of the revolution. Mayjen Suharto appears on the right

Anti-PKI propaganda literature after the G30S incident circulated widely in the community and accused the PKI of being the mastermind behind the "coup attempt".

After the assassination of several army officers, the PKI was able to control two vital communication facilities, namely the RRI studio on Jalan Merdeka Barat and the Telecommunications Office located on Jalan Merdeka Selatan. Through RRI, the PKI broadcast an announcement about the September 30 Movement aimed at high ranking officers of the "Council of Generals" who would hold a coup against the government. It was also announced the formation of a "Revolutionary Council", chaired by Lt. Col. Untung Sutopo.

In Central Java and DI. Yogyakarta, the PKI carried out the killings of Colonel Katamso (Korem 072 / Yogyakarta Commander) and Lieutenant Colonel Sugiyono (Korem 072 / Yogyakarta Chief of Staff). They were kidnapped by the PKI on the afternoon of October 1, 1965. These two officers were killed because they flatly refused to deal with the Revolutionary Council. On October 1, 1965 Sukarno and PKI secretary general Aidit responded to the formation of a Revolutionary Council by the "rebels" by moving to the Halim Air Force Base in Jakarta to seek protection.

On 6 October Sukarno appealed to the people to create "national unity", namely unity between the armed forces and their victims, and the cessation of violence. The Political Bureau of the PKI Central Committee immediately advised all members and mass organizations to support the "leaders of the Indonesian revolution" and not to fight the armed forces. This statement was reprinted in the CPA newspaper called "Tribune".

On October 12, 1965, USSR leaders Brezhnev, Mikoyan and Kosygin sent a special message to Sukarno: "We and our colleagues are delighted to hear that your health has improved ... We listen with interest about your speech at radio to all Indonesian people to stay calm and avoid chaos ... This appeal will be understood in depth. "

On October 16, 1965, Sukarno installed Maj. Gen. Suharto as Minister / Commander of the Army at the State Palace. Following is the quote of President Sukarno's message to Suharto when Suharto was sworn in [5]:

"I command General Major Soeharto, now the Army he leads I give to you, make this Army one Force from the Republic of Indonesia, the Armed Forces of the Republic of Indonesia which totally runs the Five Talismans of the Revolution, which altogether stand on Trisakti, which is the same once stood on Nasakom, which totally stood on the principle of Berdikari, which stood entirely on the principle of Manipol-USDEK.

The USDEK Manipol has been determined by our highest institution as the direction of the Republic of Indonesia. And because this Manipol-USDEK is the direction of the Republic of Indonesia, it must be upheld, carried out, fostered by all of us. By the Army, Navy, Air Force, State Police Force. Only if we stand completely on these Five Talismans, all of us, will our revousi be victorious.

Suharto, as commander of the Army, and as Minister in my cabinet, I command you, do what I command you as well as possible. I pray that God is always with us and with you!

    "At a Conference of the Three Continents in Havana in February 1966, representatives of the Soviet Union tried their utmost to avoid condemning the arrest and killing of people accused of being PKI, which were taking place against the Indonesian people. Their stand was praised by the Suharto regime. The Indonesian Parliament passed a resolution on 11 February, declaring "full appreciation" for the efforts of representatives from Nepal, Mongolia, the Soviet Union and other countries at the Solidarity Conference of African States, Asia and Latin America, which succeeded in neutralizing the efforts of the counter-revolutionaries of the so-called September 30th movement, and their leaders and protectors, to interfere in Indonesia's domestic affairs. "

Arrests and massacres In the months after this event, all PKI members and supporters, or those considered to be PKI members and sympathizers, all known working class parties and hundreds of thousands of other Indonesian workers and peasants were killed or put in detention camps for tortured and interrogated. These killings occurred in Central Java (October), East Java (November) and Bali (December). The exact number of people slaughtered is unknown - conservative estimates say 500,000, while other estimates say two to three million people. But it is suspected that at least one million people were victims in the six-month disaster that followed the coup.

Instigated and assisted by the army, youth groups from right-wing Muslim organizations such as the Ansor NU and the Tameng Marhaenis PNI carried out mass killings, especially in Central and East Java. There are reports that the Brantas River near Surabaya became full of corpses until certain places of the river were "unstoppable".

By the end of 1965, between 500,000 and one million PKI members and supporters had been victims of killings and hundreds of thousands were imprisoned in concentration camps, with no resistance at all. When military teams supported by CIA funds [1] rounded up all known PKI members and supporters and carried out a heinous slaughter of them, "Time" magazine reported:

    "The killings were carried out on such a scale that disposal of the corpse caused serious sanitation problems in North Sumatra, where the humid air carried the smell of corpses. People from these areas told us about true rivers. completely blocked by corpses. River transportation has become seriously hampered. "

On the island of Bali, which had previously been considered a PKI stronghold, at least 35,000 people were victims at the beginning of 1966. There the Tamin, the elite commandos of the Indonesian National Party, were the perpetrators of these killings. Special correspondent from Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung tells about corpses on the roadside or dumped into excavations and about half-burnt villages where farmers do not dare to leave the frameworks of their homes that have been scorched.

In other areas, the defendants were forced to kill their friends to prove their loyalty. In big cities "anti-Chinese" racist hunts took place. Workers and government employees who went on strike in protest at these counter-revolutionary events were fired.

At least 250,000 workers and peasants were imprisoned in concentration camps. It is estimated that around 110,000 people are still imprisoned as political prisoners at the end of 1969. Executions are still carried out today, including dozens of people since the 1980s. Four political prisoners, Johannes Surono Hadiwiyino, Safar Suryanto, Simon Petrus Sulaeman and Nobertus Rohayan, have been sentenced to death for nearly 25 years since the coup.

Supersemar Five months after that, on March 11, 1966, Sukarno gave Suharto unlimited power through the March Eleven Order. He ordered Suharto to take "appropriate steps" to restore calm and to protect his personal security and authority. This unlimited power was first used by Suharto to ban the PKI. In recognition of his services, Sukarno was retained as titular president of the military dictatorship until March 1967.

The PKI leadership continued to urge the masses to obey the authority of the Sukarno-Suharto regime. Aidit, who had fled, was captured and killed by the TNI on 24 November, but his work was continued by PKI Second Secretary Nyoto.

Geneva Meeting, Switzerland Following the transfer of power to Suharto, a meeting was held between new order economists and CEOs of multinational corporations in Switzerland, in November 1967. Multinational corporations included oil companies and banks, General Motors, Imperial Chemical Industries, British Chemical Leyland, British American Tobacco, American Express, Siemens, Goodyear, The International Paper Corporation, US Steel, ICI, Leman Brothers, Asian Development Bank, and Manhattan Chase. The Indonesian Economic Team offers: abundant and cheap labor, abundant reserves and natural resources, and a large market.

This was documented by Jhon Pilger in the film The New Rulers of World (available on the google video site) which illustrates how Indonesia's natural wealth was divided like a spoils of war by foreign companies after the fall of Soekarno. Freeport gets gold in West Papua, Caltex gets oil fields in Riau, Mobil Oil gets gas fields in Natuna, other companies get tropical forests. Pro liberal economic policies have since been implemented.
Commemoration of the Pancasila Sakti Monument, Crocodile Hole
After this incident, 30 September was celebrated as the Anniversary of the 30 September Movement. The following day, October 1, was designated as the Pancasila Power Day. During the Soeharto era, usually a film about the incident was also shown on all television stations in Indonesia every year on 30 September. In addition, during the Soeharto era, a flag ceremony was usually held at the Pancasila Sakti Monument in Lubang Buaya and continued with a flower sow at the tomb of the heroes of the revolution at TMP Kalibata. But since the Reformation era rolled out, the film has not been aired anymore and only the tradition of sowing flowers continued.

On September 29 - October 4, 2006, a series of commemorative events was held to commemorate the killing of hundreds of thousands to millions of people in various parts of Indonesia. The event entitled "Cultural Arts Week in commemoration of the 40th anniversary of the 1965 humanitarian tragedy" took place at the Faculty of Cultural Sciences, University of Indonesia, Depok. Besides the University of Indonesia academic community, the event was also attended by victims of the 1965 humanitarian tragedy, including Setiadi, Murad Aidit, Haryo Sasongko, and Putmainah.

References and further reading (English) Easter, David, '"Keep the Indonesian pot boiling": Western intervention in Indonesia, October 1965-March 1966', Cold War History, Volume 5, Number 1, February 2005.
    ^ Artikel Kompas bertajuk "Sukarno, Malaysia, dan PKI" tanggal Sabtu, 29 September 2007
    ^ a b Soekarno, PKI & Malaysia di DetikForum
    ^ (JAC Mackie, 1971, hal 214)
    ^ Alex Dinuth "Dokumen Terpilih Sekitar G30S/PKI" Intermasa, Jakarta 1997 ISBN 979-8960-34-3
    ^ Setiyono, Budi; "REVOLUSI BELUM SELESAI: Kumpulan Pidato Presiden Soekarno 30 September 1965"; Nawaksara, Jakarta; 2003

Pranala luar    (Indonesia) Soebandrio: Kesaksianku Tentang G30S (BAB I)
    (Indonesia) Tulisan tentang keterlibatan CIA dalam G 30S/PKI disertai cuplikan isi laporan CIA untuk Presiden Lyndon Johnson
    (Inggris) Kolektif Info Coup d'etat 65
    (Indonesia) People's Empowerment Consortium
    (Indonesia) Pelajaran-Pelajaran Dari Kudeta 1965 Indonesia
    (Indonesia) Indonesian Institute for the study of the 1965/1966 Massacre
    (Indonesia) Menyingkap Kabut Halim
    (Indonesia) Dalih Pembunuhan Massal, karya John Roosa yang dilarang Jaksa Agung

Source :
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The Land of Kemenyan

Ekspor Kemenyan Terbesar adalah ke Arab Saudi
Jakarta (Dreamland Library) - Kemenyan, synonymous with rituals nuanced heresy. So many people assume. Who would have thought, the Tapanuli region in North Sumatra, was a famous producer of incense in the world in the 5th century AD and even long before.

In the past, the Middle East, Europe, and China became the destination countries for shipping incense from the Port of Barus, North Sumatra. Kamga, the host of the "Explore Indonesia" program on Kompas TV, began exploration in North Sumatra Province by visiting one of the largest incense-producing regions in Indonesia, even the world.

Humbang Hasundutan Regency, 284 kilometers from the capital city of North Sumatra Province, Medan, became the destination of Kamga travel. Humbang Hasundutan is a division of North Tapanuli Regency, which is also the largest incense producing region.

Humbang Hasundutan, whose capital is in Dolok Sanggul, can be reached by using a pioneering aircraft. The plane departed from Polonia Airport in Medan heading to Silangit Airport in Siborong-borong sub-district, North Tapanuli.

Travel by air takes about 40 minutes, then proceed by car for 10 minutes to the Humbang Hasundutan area.

In the district that is usually abbreviated as Humbamas, Kamga trekking in the Hutajulu forest to harvest incense with local farmers. Frankincense is derived from the sap taken by tapping the tree trunk.


#references libraries


The Franchise Traders from Arabia went to the East (Nusantara)
Jakarta (Dreamland Library) - Frankincense in the Old Testament (PL) translated from the Hebrew word לבונה - LEBONAH / LEVONAH (Hebrew lexicon: frankincense, a) a white resin burned as fragrant incense, 1) ceremonially, 2) personally, 3) used in compounding the holy incense) root word "LABAN" (Hebrew lexicon: White).

Mur or Myrrh
This word also relates to an area called Lebanon (Hebrew, לבנון - LEBANON, Lexicon: Lebanon = "whiteness", a wooded mountain range on the northern border of Israel)


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Frankincense, the Magic of the First Gold Values

Jangan heran jika Anda ke rumah orang Arab di Arab Saudi, berbau kemenyan
Jakarta (Dreamland Library) - There is a story that is believed by the people of Tapanuli, North Sumatra. One of the offerings brought by three advanced or intellectuals from the east for the newborn baby Jesus in Bethlehem came from the Land of Tapanuli. The offering was in the form of incense, accompanied by two other offerings, gold and myrrh.

Through stories passed down through generations, the people of Tapanuli believe the incense was brought from the Port of Barus, which was once a large port, to the Middle East, to Bethlehem.

The story is increasingly rolling considering that most of Tapanuli residents are Christians and Catholics who are closely related to the story of the birth of the Prophet Jesus.

The truth needs to be examined, but at least from the story it can be seen that even now a fragrant sap called frankincense, which in Batak language is called haminjon, is so closely related to the lives of Tapanuli people.

Head of the North Sumatra Regional Planning and Development Agency (Bappeda) who is also a former North Tapanuli Regent, RE Nainggolan, explained that incense was once very prosperous for the people of Tapanuli. And, the fragrant sap also contributed to its name. "My grandmother is a trader of incense," he said.

He knew exactly, in 1936 his grandmother already had a car to transport incense from Tapanuli to the Port of Sibolga. At that time the price of one kilogram of incense was equal to one gram of gold. The standard continues to be used by farmers and collectors in Tapanuli: One kilogram of incense is equal to one gram of gold. One kilogram of incense is also equivalent to one can (16 kilograms) of rice.

Besides the story about the offering from the east to the Prophet Jesus, not many people know the history of incense in Tapanuli. Most residents call it a miracle plant that has existed for hundreds of years and supports the people of Tapanuli.

Washington Situmorang (70), a farmer in Doloksanggul, Humbang Hasundutan Regency, said that in the 1960s the price of incense was really the same as gold. The price is slowly receding. Around the 1980s the price of incense continued to decline to only half, even one-third the price of one gram of gold.

According to Thomson Silaban, forest rehabilitation staff at the Department of Mining and Forestry of the Humbang Hasundutan Regency, if prior to 1980 incense was able to contribute 60 percent of the household economy, it has now dropped to around 20 percent.

Kemenyan (Stryrax sp), which belongs to the Stryraccaceae family of the Ebeneles order, is cultivated by the people of North Sumatra in seven districts, especially in the districts of North Tapanuli, Humbang Hasundutan, Pakpak Bharat, and Toba Samosir. This plant is also developed in Dairi, South Tapanuli, and Central Tapanuli, although not too much. While the largest incense producers are still in North Tapanuli and Humbang Hasundutan.

In North Tapanuli, incense is a mainstay commodity under coffee and rubber. Of 56,003 families in the district, 30,446 families or more than 54 percent use incense as a source of income. In Humbang Hasundutan, even about 65 percent of families (33,702) live on incense trees. This commodity ranks second under coffee.

North Sumatra Plantation Office estimates, in 2005 the area of ​​incense plantations in North Sumatra reached 23,592.70 hectares with a production of 5,837.86 tons. Latex productivity of 294.31 kilograms per hectare per year. The incense sap contains about 36.5 percent cinnamic acid which is widely used for the pharmaceutical, cosmetic, cigarette, drug, and religious ritual industries.

Not just for rituals

Before Christianity entered Tapanuli, incense was widely used by the Batak people for ritual worship activities. For thousands of years, incense is widely used in the tradition of honoring the Creator.

Burning smoke that rises high becomes a representation of prayer that also rises to the Creator. In the Catholic tradition, for example, frankincense is used in special mass, being part of hundred powders which are burned in burning charcoal which produces fragrant smoke.

In the land of Java and also in many world cultures, the fragrance of the incense smoke is believed to be able to bring the spirit but also to expel the spirit. The fragrance creates a magical sensation. Frankincense is also a cigarette mixed powder which is mostly smoked by rural and elderly people in Central Java.

Only Tapanuli and a little in West Sumatra that produce incense in Indonesia. Unfortunately, even though this commodity has been traded for hundreds of years, there has been no innovation in developing its plantations. Product innovation also doesn't exist yet. Most farmers do not know the trade route. For what and who is the end user incense, they do not know. As a result, the price of the sap is very easy for traders to fool because farmers do not know the world price standards.

Seven kinds

Frankincense grows in mountainous areas with an altitude of 900-1200 meters above sea level, with temperatures between 28-30 degrees Celsius in podsolic soil, red yellow and latosol. Soil acidity is between 5.5 and 6.5 with a maximum slope of 25 degrees.

This annual plant can live up to more than 100 years. There are 20 types of frankincense trees, but the most widely grown in North Sumatra are durame (Styrax Benzoine) and toba incense (Styrax Sumatrana). Frankincense Durame grows faster than Toba. Durame can be tapped since the age of 6-7 years with the color of the sap tends to be black, while the new Toba is tapped for ages 10-13 years with the type of white sap.

"Taking care of the incense tree is like treating a girl. Difficult and difficult, must have a lot of attention, "said Washington Situmorang.

In contrast to rubber, tapping frankincense does not need a container. The sap is left out of the tree trunk, melting in the tree bark.

In the first installment, the tree trunk will produce white sap which can only be taken about three months later. The sap is attached to the bark of the tree so that to harvest the farmers must pry the incense bark.

White gum called sidukabi or zam-zam eyes are of the highest value. However, now the price is only around Rp. 60,000 to Rp. 75,000 per kilogram at the farm level.

The scraps will produce a second sap droplet called a path or jurur that can be harvested two or three months after harvesting the zam-zam eyes. After that comes the third sap called tahir. The price is much cheaper than the price of the eye, around Rp. 20,000 to Rp. 25,000 per kilogram. If the eyes are white, the color of the cerebellum or fetus becomes increasingly blackened.

The incense sap can be grouped in at least seven types from the most expensive to the cheapest, namely coarse eyes, nuts, corn, large, coarse sand, fine sand, to ashes. Rough eyes can be valued at Rp 100,000 per kilogram at the collector level, while ash or fine incense incense costs Rp 3,000 per kilogram.

At the collection place, this sort of incense is sorting like gold from the sand. The female workers diligently sort through the grains. Incense sap that is old age usually is yellow like gold.

In one tree there can be many deposits. In Tarutung or Doloksanggul it is quite easy to find this plant. As long as you see a plant whose stem is full of cut wounds, we can be sure it is incense plant.

Chairperson of Commission B of the Humbahas Regency Aslin Simamora who is also the son of an incense farmer said that there was a ritual that was used by his ancestors before chewing (tapping) incense trees.

Farmers need to make gurgur itak cakes, cakes made from a mixture of rice flour, brown sugar and grated coconut. The cake is chewed and then sprinkled on the incense tree that is about to be tapped.

Because of this long history, it is not surprising that the public was angry when PT Toba Pulp Lestari (TPL) felled the people's incense tree at register 41 at the border of Humbang Hasundutan and Samosir Districts late last year. DPRD Humbang Hasundutan even formed a special committee that urged PT TPL to protect the area of ​​the people's incense plantations.

Source: (Aufrida Wismi Warastri) Kompas Daily
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#references libraries

Arabic Culture Turns Inheritance from Christian Religious Culture